A Respectful Black-Hispanic Coalition

By Ron Walters
May 29, 2006

In between the reticence of the Black leadership to fully discuss the problem of immigration, especially as it affects the demands of the Hispanic population and the resentment of their constituents to those demands, is the necessity to consider rationally the content of an agenda that will unite the potential power of both.
Thus far, the voices of civil rights and political leaders are either stilled or in in support of a progressive approach to immigration that does not take into consideration the resentment of the rank and file Black working class. Their acknowledgment of the civil and human rights of Hispanics, is therefore, considered one-sided and incomplete by many of their constituents. My task then, is to propose measures that would construct the other side of the agenda, so that the progressive content of Black support for the Hispanic mobilization could be respectful of Black interests as well.
To begin with, Blacks should strongly support the current mobilization of Hispanics for measures that would result in the legalization of their status as workers and citizens, whether that proposed in the Kennedy - McCain bill or the Bush proposals, or by some other process. But public opinion polling also indicates that Blacks favor limiting further illegal immigration, though one would doubt by the means proposed by Bush that favors militarizing the U. S. border.
In exchange for Black support. However, there are three consideration that might be addressed to the Hispanic community:
First, limiting further illegal, low-wage labor should not be focused on criminalizing those who cross the border, but those who provide the incentive for them to come. Employers are practicing racial discrimination against Blacks in the labor market, which was prohibited by the 1964 Civil Rights Act, Title VII. Blacks are excluded from work opportunity by employers seeking low-wage workers, and since in the process, they sanction the exclusion of Blacks from the labor force, as such, should be prosecuted for such violations.
Second, Hispanic managers who procure workers should be made sensitive to the necessity - and legality - to secure Black workers. In some areas, I have seen them include Black workers as a part of groups they hire for jobs in hotels, restaurants, construction or other day jobs, but not frequently. More often, such managers are part of the system of racial segregation of the labor groups delivered to employers.
Third, Hispanic laborers should push for higher wages and benefits through unionization. A great model exists in the efforts of the Service Employers International Union (SEIU), a group that has enrolled thousands of Hispanic service workers. Hispanics could re-energize the American labor movement if they take the new-found courage to protest and demonstrate, not only into the ballot box, but into the labor halls as well.
Fourth, Hispanic leaders and civic activists should organize their constituents into a new force for state campaigns to achieve living wage and minimum wage legislation, where such legislation has been blocked on a national level. This could also assist Blacks and other low-wage populations to enter jobs at wages that, though they may not be sufficient, would more effectively contribute to family budgets and consequently to the viability of their members.
The stakes of developing a respectful coalition between Blacks and Hispanics is that rank-and-file Blacks who are resentful of Hispanic gains could be brought along if they see them fighting for a common agenda that lifts their own access to opportunity. But leadership is necessary in crafting such an agenda, not in denying that a problem exists. Leadership is vital because the stakes in developing an strong and effective coalition based an agenda, respectful of both interests are so high.
For example, right now, in the fight against poverty, the welfare program, known in most states as the Temporary Assistance to Needy Families program, has essentially pushed off most of 52 percent of former welfare clients into low-wage jobs. They are trapped in such jobs, or loose them to others competing for the same jobs and neither group is the beneficiary of a system that gets them out of poverty. But if the actions are taken above, both sets of workers could play a powerful role in lifting Blacks coming off of welfare into jobs, and those Hispanics competing with them, out of poverty.
Speaking of the political stakes, I continue to emphasize the point that Blacks and Hispanics constitute 25-30 percent of the population in 13 states and that those states represent 43 percent of the electoral vote for president. But that power is potential at the moment because Hispanics vote at about half the level of Blacks (11 percent to 6 percent) in national elections. When they begin to vote at the same level of Blacks, perhaps in the not too distant future, the combination will constitute one quarter of the American electorate.
The increase in the Hispanic vote between 1998 and 2002 was 10 percent. If that continues, as is likely from the mobilizations taking place, it could match the turnout of Blacks this fall. And if the Bush administration's favorable numbers are still low, Black and Hispanic voters could contribute to an electoral psunami that would change the politics of government and make possible many of the policies that they need.
The message here is two-fold. Black leaders need to both support the Hispanic mobilization more forcefully and from the perspective of the interests of their community, especially those who are most affected by the growing presence of the Hispanic population. In this, they must help to craft a respectful agenda that is the glue of a strong and effective coalition.
Then, as the Hispanic mobilization continues, it needs to consider expanding its agenda. I am aware of the debate within that community over this tactics, but it should not be considered just a tactic, but a grand strategy for achieving long-term objectives. It may be that in the urgency of the moment, a narrow agenda is best to fuel organizing, but at some point soon, Hispanics should join ranks with the low-wage American working class and push hard in the direction of change. In this respect, the demand for citizenship has a price.
Ron Walters is the Distinguished Leadership Scholar, Director of the African American Leadership Institute and Professor of Government and Politics at the University of Maryland College Park. His latest books are: White Nationalism, Black Interests (Wayne State University Press) and Freedom Is Not Enough (Rowman and Littlefield).